The popular uprising is bringing down the neoliberal and militarist regime
哥伦比亚生态社会主义运动声明：人民起义正在推翻新自由主义与军事主义政权
STATEMENT BY THE MOVIMIENTO ECOSOCIALISTA DE COLOMBIA
哥伦比亚生态社会主义运动 著
素侠云雪 译
Tuesday 25 May 2021, by Movimiento Ecosocialista de Colombia
“Neoliberalism does not die without killing, but the more it kills, the more it dies. What is happening in Colombia is not a Colombian problem, it is our problem, that of the democrats of the world,” Boaventura Dos Santos.
The 28 April 2021 marked a new stage in the history of mobilization and the exercise of social protest in Colombia. The national strike called by the trade union federations ended up becoming a great popular uprising. On that same day, the capital cities saw mobilizations of workers, those in the informal sector, students, neighbourhood organizations, women, and indigenous and Afro communities; a diverse and plural social expression of a desperate people cornered by the implementation of decades of neoliberal policies, and which was left to its own devices during the pandemic. This popular uprising has a line of continuity with the urban mobilizations of 21 November 2019, but this time intermediate cities and rural areas joined in. There were street protests in 600 municipalities and the number of protesters reached approximately five million people.
This massive protest has already achieved results. The withdrawal of the tax reform, the departure of finance minister Alberto Carrasquilla and his economic team, the resignation of Chancellor Claudia Blum, the paralysis of health, pension and employment reforms in Congress which form part of the Duque government’s “Paquetazo”, demanded by the risk rating agencies and the IMF.
“新自由主义不杀是不会死的，但杀得越多，死得越多。哥伦比亚发生的事件不是哥伦比亚的问题，而是我们的问题，是世界民主主义者的问题，”博阿文图拉·多斯桑托斯（Boaventura Dos Santos）。
2021年4月28日标志着哥伦比亚动员史和社会抗议活动的一个新阶段。由工会联合会号召的全国总罢工最终演变成一场大规模的人民起义。同一天，在首都，工人、非正规部门的工人、学生、社区组织、妇女以及土著和非洲裔社区都动员起来了；被数十年来的新自由主义政策和大流行期间置之不理的政策逼到了绝境的绝望的人民以多种多样的社会方式表达出来。这场人民起义与2019年11月21日的城市动员具有连续性，但这次是中间城市和农村地区加入。600个直辖市发生街头抗议，抗议人数达到约500万人。
这场大规模的抗议已经取得了成果。税收改革被撤销，财政部长阿尔贝托·卡拉斯基亚（Alberto Carrasquilla）及其经济团队离职，克劳迪娅·布卢姆（Claudia Blum）总理辞职，构成杜克政府“帕克塔佐”（Paquetazo，由风险评级机构和国际货币基金组织要求的）[1]一部分的国会健康、养老金和就业改革瘫痪。
These results have been obtained despite the unprecedented police and military deployment in the country authorized by the government of Iván Duque against social mobilization. The 50 murdered, 400 disappeared, the hundreds injured and dozens of sexually abused women, leading in the case of 17-year-old Alisson Meléndez, raped in an Immediate Response Unit-URI- in Popayán, to her tragic decision to commit suicide, have been the consequence of a civil war approach to citizen protest taken by ESMAD, the police, army and armed civilians. In Cali, the repression included the use of assault weapons, grenades and gas against the protesters and surrounding neighbourhoods or residential units, and even machine-gunning from military helicopters, as occurred in Siloé.
On the outskirts of Buga, on the Pan-American Highway, airborne military units were also used, and nearby neighbourhoods were surrounded by ESMAD and attacked with gas and explosive weapons. In Popayán, the militaristic response to the uprising of popular indignation caused by police abuses has already cost one student dead, missing and injured. Something similar has happened in Yumbo. These military “theatres of operations” were authorized personally and directly by President Iván Duque, the general commander of the Armed Forces Eduardo Zapateiro, the general director of the police Jorge Luis Vargas to which we must add the responsibility by omission of the local mayors who handed over control of the “public order” of the cities without so much as a discussion. All of them are responsible for genocide and terrorism against the peoples and must be tried as such before the International Criminal Court and the international organizations created for this purpose.
尽管伊万·杜克政府授权以前所未有的警察和军队部署以反对社会动员，但社会动员仍取得了这些成果。50多人遇害，400多人失踪，数百人受伤，还有数十名妇女遭受性虐待，如17岁的阿利森·梅伦德斯（Alisson Meléndez）在波帕扬的一个快速反应部队（URI）中被强奸，使她悲惨地决定自杀；这些是是机动反骚乱中队（ESMAD）、警察、军队和武装平民采用内战方式对付公民抗议的结果。在卡利（Cali），镇压手段还包括使用攻击性武器、手榴弹和毒气来对付抗议者和周边社区或住宅区，甚至使用军用直升机机枪扫射，就像在西洛埃（Siloé）发生的那样。
在布加（Buga）郊区的泛美公路上，也使用了空降部队，附近街区被机动反骚乱中队包围，袭击中使用了毒气和炸弹。在波帕扬（Popayán），因警察滥用职权而引起的民众愤慨起义遭到武力镇压，已造成一名学生死亡，还有学生失踪和受伤。云波（Yumbo）也发生了类似的事情。这些军事“行动剧场”由总统伊万·杜克、武装部队总司令爱德华多·萨帕泰罗（Eduardo Zapateiro）、警察局长豪尔赫·路易斯·巴尔加斯（Jorge Luis Vargas）亲自和直接授权，地方市长不经讨论就交出了对城市“公共秩序”的控制权，但我们还是必须通过省略地方市长的责任来增加他们的责任。他们所有人都应对针对人民的种族灭绝和恐怖主义负责，因此必须在国际刑事法庭和为此目的而设立的国际组织中接受审判。
This militaristic barbarism confirms that we are witnessing the collapse of the so-called “Rule of Law” and confirms that there is an abysmal separation between the institutions of a precarious representative democracy and the social demands of the majority of Colombians.
The systematic and programmed application of state terrorism also shows the crisis of peripheral capitalism in the country linked to the worst economic crisis in the history of capitalism and aggravated by the Covid-19 pandemic. We have reached the dead end of a state and elites incapable of meeting the most basic needs of the population, now, and in the medium and long term.
The social outbreak went beyond the classic forms of popular mobilization, making possible expressions of solidarity as with the presence of the indigenous “Minga” in Cali and blockades and self-defence (barricades) in the cities as key points of a genuine national strike.
这种军事镇压野蛮行径证实了我们正在目睹所谓“法治”的崩溃，并证实不稳定的代议制民主制度与大多数哥伦比亚人的社会需求之间存在着天壤之别。
系统地和有计划地使用国家恐怖主义还表明，哥伦比亚的外围资本主义危机与资本主义历史上最严重的经济危机有关，并因Covid-19大流行而加剧。我们已经走到了国家和精英的死胡同，无论现在还是将来，它们都无法满足人民最基本的需求。
社会爆发超越了人民动员的经典形式，使团结的表达成为可能，例如卡利土著“明加”（Minga）的存在以及城市中的封锁和自卫（路障）成为真正的全国总罢工的关键点。
Those who led the blockades, the so-called “front line” are young people marginalized by neoliberalism, lacking health, education and work who came to protest out of outrage, united in hopelessness. They do not believe in conventional institutions, nor in political parties, whether from the left or the right.
They are organized “from below” in slow coordination processes based on the demands of the street resistance; they reject personal leadership, proclaim “horizontality” in decision-making, and have gained great social legitimacy in the neighbourhoods where they operate and facilitate popular assemblies. These urban blockades, according to public statements by the Archbishop of Cali, Darío Monsalve, “constitute almost the only way that strike activists have to make themselves heard ...” and also arose in response to the armed forces besieging of the cities.
领导封锁的人，即所谓的“前线”，是被新自由主义边缘化的，缺乏健康、教育和工作的年轻人，他们满怀愤怒前来抗议，在绝望中团结起来。他们不相信传统机构，也不相信政党，无论是左派还是右派。
他们是根据街头抵抗的要求，以缓慢的协调过程“自下而上”组织起来的；他们拒绝个人领导，宣称实行“横向”决策，并在他们经营和促进人民集会的社区中获得了极大的社会合法性。据卡利大主教大流士·蒙萨尔韦（Darío Monsalve）的公开声明，这些城市封锁“几乎是罢工活动者发出自己声音的唯一方法……”也是为了应对武装部队围攻城市而出现的。
The fact that the days of protest days began more than two weeks ago and that the blockades have been presented by the government, businessmen and local merchants as being responsible for the shortage of basic necessities and fuel, despite the enabling of “humanitarian corridors” by the protesters, has opened discussion on whether to maintain them. In this regard, we consider that any decision should be preceded by guarantees of no prosecutions or criminalization for all those leading the blockades, supervised by human rights organizations and, as far as possible, international agreement and with explicit commitments from the national government and local leaders on their demands. What has been happening in Cali after the failure of the negotiations attempted with the mayor’s office is contrary to what we need to find solutions to the current situation. The neighbourhood leaders who attended the convocation were detected and are currently being detained by the police under house arrest to be prosecuted.
Regarding the political decision in relation to the blockades, we consider that this should correspond to those who have been organizing them as a form of legitimate resistance, that is, to the members of the front lines and close logistical support. Those who have led the street confrontations, and have made up the dead, wounded and missing are those who have the moral authority to make this decision. The same must be said about roadblocks by transporters and peasants.
抗议开始于两周多前，政府、商人和当地商贩认为封锁是造成基本必需品和燃料短缺的原因，尽管抗议者开启了“人道主义走廊”，并开始讨论是否保留走廊。在这方面，我们认为，在做任何决定之前，都应保证不会对领导封锁的任何人提起诉讼或将其定罪，并应在人权组织的监督下，并尽可能达成国际协议并让国家政府和地方领导人的明确承诺满足他们的要求。在卡利，与市政当局的谈判失败后，当地发生的事情与我们为解决当前局势寻找的方案所背道而驰。参加集会的社区领导人被警方查出，目前被警方软禁拘禁待检。
关于与封锁有关的政治决定，我们认为这应对应的是一直以组织封锁为合法抵抗形式的人，即前线成员及其密切的后勤支持者。那些领导街头对抗并弥补死伤者和失踪者的人，才有道德权威作出这一决定。运输者和农民设置的路障也是如此。
The gigantic marches that we have witnessed in Ibagué, Neiva and Bogotá in recent days and the social organizations that have joined such as transporters throughout the country and coca growers in the southwest confirm that this popular uprising is on the rise, which is why we believe the decisive factor is the opening of political alternatives “from below” to the crisis of peripheral capitalism in the country.
It is showing that self-organization and direct democracy expressed in multiple forms of resistance contribute to the consolidation of a “parallel institutional framework” that goes beyond the narrow limits of representative democracy. This uprising went beyond the traditional representative character of the trade union organizations and the oficial national strike leadership, confirming that their narrow protest action does not correspond to the demands of the broad popular spectrum. On 1 May, there was dramatic evidence of this. While in the street skirmishes police brutality had already caused deaths and disappearances, the trade union federations called for a celebration of the workers’ day with a “virtual parade”. The distrust felt by neighbourhood and popular leaders in relation to the negotiations that the strike committee is trying to develop stems from this reality.
最近几天我们在伊巴盖（Ibagué）、内瓦（Neiva）和波哥大（Bogotá）目睹的大规模游行，以及全国各地的运输者和西南部的古柯种植者等的社会组织的加入，证实了这场民众起义正在上升，这就是为什么我们相信应对哥伦比亚外围资本主义危机的决定性因素是“自下而上”的政治替代方案。
它表明，以多种形式表达的自我组织和直接民主有助于巩固“平行制度框架”，这会超越代议制民主的狭隘范围。这场起义超越了工会组织和官方全国罢工领导层的传统代表性，证实了他们狭隘的抗议行动不符合广大人民的要求。5月1日，有戏剧性的证据证明了这一点。虽然在街头小规模冲突中，警察的暴行已经造成了死亡和失踪，但工会联合会呼吁通过“虚拟游行”来庆祝劳动节。社区和民众领袖之所以不信任罢工委员会试图开展的谈判，正源于这一现实。
The popular uprising also demonstrates the inability of a congress and political parties mired in corruption and commitments to the businesses of big capitalists, as well as regulatory agencies and high courts that have played the role of accomplices in the face of the militaristic barbarism that we currently witness. For this reason, an institutional crisis has opened that could end in the resignation of President Duque. The development of events and the relationships of forces that are established in the immediate future will determine if it is possible to realize this possibility, which would be a real blow to the neoliberal and militarist political regime. We agree that it is necessary to raise it from now on as it has been proposed, with increasing force, by the political and social organizations. Ignoring this possibility on the grounds that it would produce an “institutional vacuum” leading to the arrival at the Palace of Nariño of the vice president or president of Congress, who supposedly are worse than Duque, or that the resignation would open the path to a military coup, reasons why it is necessary to “defend Duque from Uribismo” which placed him in power, exempts him from political responsibility for collective murder against defenceless people, as head of the armed forces, and also starts from the mistaken criterion that the deepening of the institutional crisis that would open the popular overthrow of a reactionary government such as that of Duque, something unprecedented in the history of the country, could only be resolved within the framework of the same institutional framework that is collapsing.
On the contrary, we consider that a popular triumph of these characteristics would open great possibilities for the autonomous political action of the people and open the way to the convening of a Constituent and Popular Assembly. It would be the best way to isolate and defeat political reaction and the coup plotters, at a time when there is immense popular solidarity at the international level.
人民起义还证明了深陷腐败泥潭和对大资本家的企业作承诺的国会与政党的无能，我们还见证到，监管机构和高等法院在我国目前的军事野蛮行径面前充任帮凶。出于这个原因，一场机构危机已经开始，最终可能导致杜克总统辞职。在不久的将来形成的事件和力量关系的发展将决定这种可能性能否实现，这将是对新自由主义和军事镇压政权的真正打击。鉴于政治组织和社会组织越来越强烈地提出要结束现政权，我们认为从现在起有必要强调这点。忽视变革的可能性，说这样会产生“制度真空”，会导致据称比杜克更糟糕的副总统或国会主席进驻纳里尼奥宫[2]；或者说杜克辞职将有可能导致军事政变，因此要“保卫杜克，防止乌里韦主义”[3]上台，不追究他作为武装部队首长，集体谋杀手无寸铁的人民的政治责任；并且还从错误的标准出发，认为制度危机的深化将推动民众推翻杜克这样的反动政府，这是哥伦比亚历史上前所未有的事情，这只能在正在崩溃的同一体制框架内解决。
相反，我们认为民众胜利的这些特点将为人民的自主政治行动开辟巨大的可能性，并为召开制宪与人民议会开辟道路。当民众在国际上团结一致时，这将是孤立和击败政治反动和政变策划者的最佳方式。
The social and popular leaders have also emphasized the following economic and social demands that we support and that can form a minimal emergency platform in the face of the impoverishment to which millions of Colombians have been subjected due to the neoliberal policies that continue to be imposed by Duque’s government:
• Prosecution and punishment of those responsible for the murders and disappearances that occurred during the militarization of social protest. Punishment of those responsible for raping women. Dismantling of ESMAD and transformation of the police into a civilian body dependent on the Ministry of Government.
• Stop the murder and massacres of social leaders. Promote a humanitarian agreement with all the armed groups from now on in order to find a way out of the conflict that must conclude at negotiating tables differentiated according to the characteristics of each group.
• A Basic Emergency Income for those in the informal sector and the unemployed. To achieve this objective, it is necessary to suspend the payment of the public debt that currently represents 63% of Gross Domestic Product and carry out a democratic and redistributive tax reform establishing a wealth tax on the rich and super rich, not deductible from income tax; taxation of corporate dividends and inheritances, as well as the elimination of tax exemptions for large companies and the financial sector. Fulfilment of the peace agreements, particularly with regard to the voluntary substitution of crops and the implementation of collective projects that improve the standard of living of peasant and ethnic communities, based on food sovereignty.
• An employment generation programme for young people, expansion of coverage and financing of enrolment of students in public universities.
• Down with the genocidal government of Iván Duque!
• For an alternative solution to the current crisis: A Constituent and Popular Assembly!}
社会和人民领导人还强调了我们支持的以下经济和社会需求，这些需求可以形成一个最低限度的应急纲领，以应对因哥伦比亚杜克政府继续强加的新自由主义政策而使数百万哥伦比亚人陷入贫困境地：
•起诉并惩罚对社会抗议实施的军事镇压期间发生的谋杀和失踪事件的负责人。惩罚那些对强奸妇女事件负责的人。解散机动反骚乱中队（ESMAD），并将警察转变为依赖政府部的文职机构。
•停止谋杀和屠杀社会领袖。从现在起，努力与所有武装团体达成人道主义协议，以便找到摆脱冲突的出路，必须在根据每个武装团体的特点而有所区分的谈判桌上达成共识。
•非正规部门工人和失业人员的基本紧急收入。为实现这一目标，必须暂停支付目前占国内生产总值63%的公共债务，并实行民主的和再分配的税收改革，对富人和超级富豪征收财产税，且不可从所得税中扣除。对公司股息和遗产征税，并取消对大公司和金融部门的免税政策。履行和平协议，特别是关于自愿替代作物和实施以粮食主权为基础提高农民和少数民族社区生活水平的集体项目。
让年轻人充分就业的计划，扩大公立大学的覆盖面，资助其学生入学。
打倒伊万杜克的种族灭绝政府！
替代当前危机的方案应该是：制宪和人民会议！
https://internationalviewpoint.org/spip.php?article7158
哥伦比亚：人民起义正在推翻新自由主义与军事主义政权
“新自由主义不杀是不会死的，但杀得越多，死得越多。哥伦比亚发生的事件不是哥伦比亚的问题，而是我们的问题，是世界民主主义者的问题。”——博阿文图拉·多斯桑托斯（Boaventura Dos Santos）。
2021年4月28日标志着哥伦比亚动员史和社会抗议活动的一个新阶段。由工会联合会号召的全国总罢工最终演变成一场大规模的人民起义。同一天，在首都，工人、非正规部门的工人、学生、社区组织、妇女以及土著和非洲裔社区都动员起来了；被数十年来的新自由主义政策和大流行期间置之不理的政策逼到了绝境的绝望的人民以多种多样的社会方式表达出来。这场人民起义与2019年11月21日的城市动员具有连续性，但这有中等城市和农村地区加入。600个直辖市发生街头抗议，抗议人数达到约500万人。
这场大规模的抗议已取得了成果。税收改革被撤销，财政部长阿尔贝托·卡拉斯基亚（Alberto Carrasquilla）及其经济团队离职，克劳迪娅·布卢姆（Claudia Blum）总理辞职，构成杜克政府“帕克塔佐”（Paquetazo，由风险评级机构和国际货币基金组织要求的）[4]一部分的国会健康、养老金和就业改革瘫痪。
尽管伊万·杜克政府授权以前所未有的警察和军队部署反对社会动员，但社会动员仍取得了这些成果。抗议期间有50多人遇害，400多人失踪，数百人受伤，还有数十名妇女遭受性虐待，如17岁的阿利森·梅伦德斯（Alisson Meléndez）在波帕扬的一个快速反应部队（URI）中被强奸，使她悲惨地决定自杀；这些是是机动反骚乱中队（ESMAD）、警察、军队和民兵采用内战方式对付公民抗议的结果。在卡利（Cali），镇压手段还包括使用攻击性武器、手榴弹和毒气来对付抗议者和周边社区或住宅区，甚至使用军用直升机机枪扫射，就像在西洛埃（Siloé）发生的那样。
在布加（Buga）郊区的泛美公路上，政府也使用了空降部队，附近街区被机动反骚乱中队包围，袭击中使用了毒气和炸弹。在波帕扬（Popayán），因警察滥用职权而激起的民众愤慨起义遭到武力镇压，已造成一名学生死亡，还有学生失踪和受伤。云波（Yumbo）也发生了类似的事情。这些军事“行动剧场”由总统伊万·杜克、武装部队总司令爱德华多·萨帕泰罗（Eduardo Zapateiro）、警察局长豪尔赫·路易斯·巴尔加斯（Jorge Luis Vargas）亲自和直接授权；虽然地方市长不经讨论就交出了对城市“公共秩序”的控制权，但我们还是必须通过省略地方市长的责任来增加他们的责任。他们所有人都应为针对人民的种族灭绝和恐怖主义负责，因此必须在国际刑事法庭和为此目的而设立的国际组织中接受审判。
这种军事主义的野蛮行径证实了我们正在目睹的所谓“法治”的崩溃，证明不稳定的代议制民主与哥伦比亚大多数人的社会需求之间存在着天壤之别。
系统地和有计划地使用国家恐怖主义还表明，哥伦比亚的外围资本主义危机与资本主义历史上最严重的经济危机有关，并因Covid-19大流行而加剧。我们已经走到了国家和精英的死胡同，无论现在还是将来，国家和精英都无法满足人民最基本的需求。
社会爆发超越了人民动员的经典形式，使团结的表达成为可能，例如卡利土著“明加”（Minga）[5]的存在以及城市中的封锁和自卫（路障）成为真正的全国总罢工的关键点。
领导封锁的人，即所谓的“前线”，是被新自由主义边缘化的，缺乏健康、教育和工作的年轻人，他们满怀愤怒前来抗议，在绝望中团结起来。他们不相信传统机构，也不相信政党，无论是左派还是右派。
他们根据街头抵抗的要求，以缓慢的协调过程“自下而上”组织起来；他们拒绝个人领导，宣称实行“横向”决策，并在他们经营和促进人民集会的社区中获得了极大的社会合法性。据卡利大主教大流士·蒙萨尔韦（Darío Monsalve）的公开声明，这些城市封锁“几乎是罢工活动者发出自己声音的唯一方法……”也是为了应对武装部队围攻城市而出现的。
抗议开始于两周多前，政府、商人和当地商贩认为是封锁造成了基本必需品和燃料的短缺，尽管抗议者开启了“人道主义走廊”，并开始讨论是否保留走廊。在这方面，我们认为，在做任何决定之前，都应保证不会对任何领导封锁的人提起诉讼或将其定罪，并应在人权组织的监督下，尽可能达成国际协议，并让国家政府和地方领导人的明确承诺满足他们的要求。在卡利，与市政当局的谈判失败后，当地发生的事情与我们为解决当前局势所寻找的方案背道而驰。参加集会的社区领导人被警方查出，目前被警方软禁拘禁待检。
关于与封锁有关的政治决定，我们认为对应的是一直以组织封锁为合法抵抗形式的人，即前线成员及其密切的后勤支持者。那些领导街头对抗并弥补死伤者和失踪者的人，才有道德权威作出这一决定。运输者和农民设置的路障也是如此。
最近几天我们在伊巴盖（Ibagué）、内瓦（Neiva）和波哥大（Bogotá）目睹的大规模游行，以及全国各地的运输者、西南部的古柯种植者等的社会组织的加入，证实了这场民众起义正在上升，这就是为什么我们认为，解决哥伦比亚外围资本主义危机的决定性因素是“自下而上”的政治替代方案。
这种替代方案表明，以多种形式表达的自我组织和直接民主有助于巩固“平行制度框架”，这会超越代议制民主的狭隘范围。这场起义超越了工会组织和官方的全国罢工领导层的传统代表性，证实了他们狭隘的抗议行动不符合广大人民的要求。5月1日，有戏剧性的证据证明了这一点。虽然在街头小规模冲突中警察的暴行已经造成了死亡和失踪，但工会联合会竟只是呼吁举行“虚拟游行”来庆祝劳动节。社区和民众领袖之所以不信任罢工委员会打算开展的谈判，正源于这一现实。
人民起义还证明了深陷腐败泥潭和对大资本家企业作承诺的国会与政党的无能，我们还见证到，监管机构和高等法院在我国目前的军事野蛮行径面前充任帮凶。出于这个原因，一场机构危机已经开始，最终可能导致杜克总统辞职。在不久的将来形成的事件和力量关系的发展将决定这种可能性能否实现，这将真正打击到新自由主义和军事主义政权。鉴于政治组织和社会组织越来越强烈地提出要结束现政权，我们认为从现在起有必要强调这点。忽视变革的可能性，说这样会产生“制度真空”，会导致据称比杜克更糟糕的副总统或国会主席进驻纳里尼奥宫[6]；或者说杜克辞职将有可能导致军事政变，因此要“保卫杜克，防止乌里韦主义”[7]上台，而不追究他作为武装部队首长，集体谋杀手无寸铁的人民的政治责任；并且还从错误的标准出发，认为制度危机的深化将推动民众推翻杜克这样的反动政府，这是哥伦比亚历史上前所未有的事情，危机只能在正在崩溃的同一体制框架内解决。
与之种担忧相反，我们认为民众胜利的这些特点将为人民的自主政治行动开辟巨大的可能性，并为召开制宪与人民会议开辟道路。当民众在国际上团结一致时，这将是孤立和击败政治反动和政变策划者的最佳方式。
社会和人民领袖还强调了我们支持的以下经济和社会需求，这些需求可以形成一个最低限度的应急纲领，以应对因哥伦比亚杜克政府继续强加的新自由主义政策而使数百万哥伦比亚人陷入贫困境地：
•起诉并惩罚对社会抗议实施的军事镇压期间发生的谋杀和失踪事件的负责人。惩罚那些应对强奸妇女的事件负责的人。解散机动反骚乱中队（ESMAD），并将警察转变为依赖政府部的文职机构。
•停止谋杀和屠杀社会领袖。从现在起，努力与所有武装团体达成人道主义协议，以便找到摆脱冲突的出路，必须在根据每个武装团体的特点，在有所区分的谈判桌上达成共识。
•非正规部门工人和失业人员的基本紧急收入。为实现这一目标，必须暂停支付目前占国内生产总值63%的公共债务，并实行民主的和再分配的税收改革，对富人和超级富豪征收财产税，且不可从所得税中扣除。对公司股息和遗产征税，并取消对大公司和金融部门的免税政策。履行和平协议，特别是关于自愿替代作物和实施以粮食主权为基础提高农民和少数民族社区生活水平的集体项目。
让年轻人充分就业的计划，扩大公立大学的覆盖面，资助其学生入学。
打倒伊万杜克的种族灭绝政府！
替代当前危机的方案应该是：制宪和人民会议！
哥伦比亚生态社会主义运动（Movimiento Ecosocialista de Colombia）
2021年5月25日
https://internationalviewpoint.org/spip.php?article7158